Bill Clinton redefines Democratic-Repulican

Bill Clinton -
Redefines Democratic-Republican

In the early 1800\'s, the United States was but a promising seedling in search of viable political direction. The initial parties were known as the federalists and the Democratic-Republicans, the first of which soon diminished and the later eventually bisected. The result is the two party Democrat and GOP system which the majority of politicians of current day subscribe. However, many political and economic analysts find themselves perplexed by an incredible new phenomenon radiating from the white house - the economic policies of President Bill Clinton. This dilemma has left many wondering, did we elect a democrat or a republican? Has Clinton unintentionally begun a campaign to reunite the two rivals? The telltale signs of Clinton\'s political ambiguity include reminiscently republican techniques of reducing the budget, creating jobs, lowered productivity, and shaping the tax code.
During Clinton\'s 1992 campaign, balancing the budget was not among the countries main economic objectives (Miller 4). However, after close scrutiny, the economic woes of the approaching millennium were projected as "higher then we thought it would be" (Miller 4). In fact, "in the twelve years before Clinton took office, the deficit quadrupled in size" (deficit 1). As a result, Clinton must engage in creative cost cutting techniques to keep the budget under control. Money afforded to state and local governments for development programs, such as those which relieve "urban blight," will eventually be cut by two-thirds, a third more then Gingrich\'s last congress proposed (Rauch 2). In addition, cuts to transportation aid will prove fifty percent greater then republican propositions (Rauch 2). According to Clinton, all of these maneuvers will result in the lowering of the deficit by $600 billion, or almost one-third by the year 1998 (progress 1). Economists speculate that these reforms may produce the desired effect (Rauch 2). However, putting these measures into action may contradict one of Clinton\'s main election tenets - to preserve the status quo as it relates to government programs. The final budget will include one-seventh for interest on the national debt. A whopping two thirds will go toward entitlement, one sixth for defense programs and another one-sixth for "non-defense discretionary spending" (Rauch 2).
Perhaps the most touted aspect of the initial Clinton administration was its ability to "create" jobs. According to the White House, almost six million jobs have been created in the past four years, and the unemployment rate in Texas has dropped from 7.5% to 5.8% (Progress 1). This is a level well below the 6% rate which many economists regard as full employment. However, there may be a great deal more then meets the eye when it comes to these "promising" statistics. The labor force had been predicted to grow at a rate of more than 1.3 percent per year, however, it has failed to grow by even one percent annually under Clinton (Reynolds 3). In other words, unemployment has "gone down," by way of understatement. The number of those counted as actual members of the labor force has lowered while the number of jobs has moderately increased. It is estimated that one million men between the ages of twenty-five and fifty-five have left the labor force as discouraged workers during the four-year span of 1992 to 1996 (Reynolds 3). Had these men remained in the force as possible applicants, the unemployment rate may actually read as high as 8%, as it was during the Reagan administration (Miller 3). It seems a case of playing with numbers in order to disguise the truth. Whatever one chooses to call it, Clinton\'s policies of job creation place discouraged middle class workers between a rock and a hard place. Conservative economist Alan Reynolds views it as a technique of "achieving low unemployment . . . by discouraging millions of people," and remarks that "it is nothing to brag about" (Reynolds 3).
Productivity growth, "measured as the number of units of output per hour of work" has grown just 1 percent each year since 1973 (Miller 3). Under usual circumstances, gradual increases in productivity directly correlate to an increase in workers\' wages. However, the Clinton Administration has seen a total productivity increase of 2.1% over a four year period, while wages have declined by .2% (Miller 3). In the next seven years,